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Advocating Absalom: Vicky Hartzler’s views on Christian political activism
Advocating Absalom: Vicky Hartzler’s views on Christian political activism

Vicky Hartzler's "campaign ad" for Absalom on p. 207 of her book.
(Oct. 25, 2010) — Republican Congressional candidate Vicky Hartzler has clearly identified herself for many years as an evangelical Christian, dating back to her days in the state legislature from 1995 to 2000. As a spokeswoman for the successful 2004 campaign to amend the Missouri state constitution to ban gay marriage, her campaign was outspent by a margin of 22 to 1 but still won with a victory margin in excess of 70 percent. That victory still rankles leftists; an article last week in the national liberal magazine Mother Jones asked the question: “Is Vicky Hartzler the Most Anti-Gay Candidate in America?” That article can be found here.

While Hartzler’s opponent, 17-term U.S. Rep. Ike Skelton, has attacked Hartzler on numerous issues, he’s avoided her religious beliefs and church affiliation.

Skelton is an elder in Lexington Christian Church, a Disciples of Christ congregation just blocks away from Wentworth Military Academy where he attended as a young man, and as a longtime member and current chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, he was a primary architect of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy which compromised with then-President Bill Clinton by allowing homosexuals to serve in the military as long as they don’t openly declare their homosexuality. That policy has been under severe attack by President Barack Obama; Skelton has been placed in a difficult situation by continuing to support “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” as chairman of the House Armed Services Committee in direct opposition not only to Obama but also to Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, a San Francisco Democrat who represents her left-wing district well in being a prominent advocate of pro-gay causes.

The Mother Jones article points out that for Hartzler, opposition to gay marriage is a core issue that has defined much of her political career: “Hartzler has done more than merely take the standard GOP positions opposing gay rights — she has made a name for herself as an anti-gay crusader. Now she's locked in a surprisingly close campaign with longtime Dem Rep. Ike Skelton, who was an architect of DADT. That's right: Even in the district with perhaps the most anti-gay Democrat in the House, the Republicans still managed to nominate a candidate with a more anti-gay record.”

To read the writings of some of Hartzler’s critics dating back to the 2004 voter rejection of gay marriage, one might think that Hartzler is a female version of Moral Majority founder Jerry Falwell or 700 Club broadcaster Pat Robertson, spouting fiery anti-liberal rhetoric laced with Scripture at every opportunity.

However, a reading of Hartzler’s own book on Christian politics, “Running God’s Way; Step by Step to a Successful Political Campaign,” shows a very different picture.

She barely mentions abortion and gay marriage; rather than fiery attacks on sin and proclaiming a need to “take back America” from wickedness, she praises Absalom — a rebellious son of King David, God’s anointed leader for Israel and according to Christian theology an early example of divinely ordained rule prefiguring that of Jesus Christ — as being the “first politician” and an example for modern political leaders. In Hartzler’s words, “Absalom won over the hearts of the people of Israel using time-tested campaign strategies. We, too, can campaign successfully following these same guidelines.”

The biblical narrative of Absalom’s revolt is found here, in II Samuel 15.

How and why Hartzler entered politics

Tracking down the religious views of political leaders, even those who make their faith a key part of their campaigns, can sometimes be very difficult. Those researching the religious views of then-Sen. Barack Obama during his presidential campaign had to listen to hundreds of sermons by his pastor, Rev. Jeremiah Wright of Trinity United Church of Christ in inner-city Chicago, and then had to question Obama on whether he agreed with those views. However, Hartzler’s book, which lays out her views in considerable detail, does not appear to have ever been extensively reviewed in print or on the internet since it was published in 2008.

Hartzler makes clear in her book that she never planned a career in politics. She began her adult life as a home economics teacher in the Lebanon school district, and after her marriage, she returned to her hometown of Harrisonville, joined her husband’s church, and taught in the local schools for more than a decade. Not long before candidate filings began for the 1994 primaries for the state representative seat being vacated by a retiring Democrat, Hartzler’s husband received a phone call from a local Republican activist and retired insurance agent who asked him to run for the seat. As Vicky Hartzler remembered the conversation a decade and a half later in writing her book, her husband said to the Republican, “I don’t think I’m interested, but I think there’s someone else here who might be … you’ve been talking to the wrong Hartzler” (p. xi).

Vicky Hartzler wrote that she was “stumped” by the request from members of her county’s Republican Party committee to run for office. Hartzler had an excellent academic record — home economics teachers aren’t always considered the brightest, but she graduated summa cum laude from the University of Missouri — and had planned to focus on teaching. She had just received her masters’ degree and while she had considered a career in politics, she “always assumed that if (she) ever really did run for office, it would be after (she) had retired from teaching or after (she’d) had children and they were out of the house. Not now” (p. xii).

That retired insurance agent obtained a commitment from Hartzler, then 33 years old, to “pray about it.” Hartzler’s decision after a month of prayer changed her life, and could quite possibly change the future of the Fourth Congressional District, Whiteman Air Force Base, and Fort Leonard Wood.

Hartzler on seeking Christian counselors

Hartzler’s book shows a consistent theme of seeking out and relying on the advice and counsel of close Christian friends and her pastor.

That pastor, Randy Evers, is a charismatically inclined minister who has served for years in what had been known since its founding in 1968 as Harrisonville Mennonite Church. The congregation left a larger mainline Mennonite denomination about a decade ago due to liberal influences and joined a much smaller conservative body, the Fellowship of Evangelical Churches, which until 2003 was known as the Evangelical Mennonite Church; the local church changed its name this year, shortly before the August primary elections, to Harrisonville Community Church.

Hartzler’s Mennonite ties have become a campaign issue this year. Though she listed herself as a Mennonite in the Missouri Blue Book while serving in the state legislature from 1995 to 2000, she has strenuously denied ever holding the historic Mennonite doctrine of pacifism.

While the historic attitude of Mennonites toward politics and political engagement has been ambiguous, Evers strongly encouraged Hartzler to run for office, and now has a number of other people associated with his church serving in various Cass County elected positions.

As Hartzler wrote:

“To my surprise, friends, family members, and our pastor all said one thing when told about the opportunity: ‘I believe you should do this. I think you’d be good at this and God has gifted you in a way that could be used for God. This sounds like God’s will to me.’ It wasn’t exactly what I wanted to hear. Images of conniving politicians in smoke-filled rooms sitting around playing poker while devising schemes to smear my name or halt my efforts filled my head” (p. xiii).

Perhaps not surprisingly given her pastor’s charismatic influence, Hartzler said her decision to run for office came about in an emotional moment during a Sunday morning worship service:

“We were singing praise and worship songs and a familiar chorus, ‘I Will Rejoice in You and Be Glad,’ was displayed on the overhead screen. I was singing the words as usual, but in my heart I was asking God, ‘What do you want me to do? I’ve got to decide. Is this really you?’ As we sang the song, I suddenly noticed the words of the third line as if for the first time. They said, ‘Draw me unto you and let us run together.’ At that point, I knew … and tears came to my eyes. Not from sorrow or from dread, but from gratefulness and relief. God wouldn’t call me to do anything alone. He was saying to draw close to Him and to run together with Him for the office of state representative” (p. xiv).

Those words, “to run together with Him,” are italicized in the text of Hartzler’s book. The words of a praise song motivated her to “stand alone if I had to,” “be obedient,” “trust God to supply all my needs,” and “believe His promise to never leave me nor forsake me.”

Hartzler is clear in her book, in a theme repeated frequently, that she did not receive any sort of predictive prophetic message that she would actually win the campaign, only that she should run: “I didn’t know if it was God’s will that I win or not. I only knew I was supposed to run, but I would do it. My future was in His hands” (p. xiv). The same point is emphasized near the end of the book: “I had to accept the fact that I could lose and remind myself that if I did, it wouldn’t be the end of the world. God still had a plan for my life — a good plan — and would use me wherever He placed me, if I was willing and obedient” (p. 249).

Though her campaign was ultimately successful and she was later re-elected by large margins, Hartzler had good reason from a purely pragmatic perspective to question whether she could win a seat in the state legislature. She never mentions by name her affiliation with the Republican Party in the text of her book, just as she never mentions the name of her church.

The first explicit reference to the Republican Party comes on page 229 when she reprints an example of a campaign letter by a candidate for Morgan County treasurer Louella Pryor, and the next is on page 264, when she reprints an example of campaign literature by another candidate, State Sen. Delbert Scott, that uses the Republican logo of an elephant. None of her own campaign literature reprinted in the book shows that she’s a Republican; one campaign brochure reprinted on page 269 does identify her church affiliation, noting her role as a “children’s teacher at Harrisonville Mennonite Church.”

That’s not an omission or a mistake. As Hartzler notes, while her area is conservative, it’s also a traditional Democratic stronghold, and before Hartzler won, the last Republican to serve from the area had left office more than two decades earlier (p. 6). The district is now served again by a Democrat, Rep. Luke Scavuzzo, a two-term incumbent from Hartzler’s hometown of Harrisonville.

Much like Ike Skelton himself, the residents of Hartzler’s area have historically followed the model of Southern conservative Democrats — socially and religiously conservative, but open to a broad role for the government in a variety of areas including public works projects and helping those who are less-affluent. When former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee — whose political action committee has endorsed Hartzler in her current campaign for U.S. Congress — was criticized during his 2008 presidential campaign for being a “Christian socialist,” the criticism was based on “neo-conservative” objections by the libertarian and economic conservative wings of the Republican Party to Huckabee’s support for policies which would be mainstream conservative views in Arkansas, another traditional conservative Southern Democratic state where the Republican Party has only recently begun to make inroads.

How does Hartzler propose that Christians “run God's way?”

In the last few weeks, some journalists have asked if Hartzler will be the young “David” to defeat the powerful “Goliath” of Ike Skelton, using the limited resources of a slingshot to defeat a heavily armored and much more experienced enemy.

However, the key example cited in the very first chapter of Hartzler’s book isn’t King David of Israel but rather David’s greatest internal enemy, his own son, Prince Absalom.

Absalom’s name is linked in Judeo-Christian theology with wicked usurpers who hated God and His ordained rulers, creating chaos by leading revolts against duly constituted authority.

Hartzler, however, paints a quite different picture.

“He was young, handsome, and most of all, committed. He was determined to do the impossible: to unseat the powerful, once extremely popular incumbent. The odds looked impossible. The incumbent had all vestiges of power at his disposal — money, manpower, might. Yet he had his weaknesses. He’d become lazy, out of touch. Most of all, he’d made a major mistake early in his career. He’d sinned against God, and the consequences were coming back to haunt him. Despite overwhelming odds, the challenger won. His name? Absalom. The incumbent he defeated — at least for a time? King David” (p. 1).

It doesn’t take much to see potential parallels between Hartzler’s view of King David and the current situation of Ike Skelton, who after 17 years in office has amassed tremendous authority on the House Armed Services Committee but has seen his popularity wane in recent years due to linkage with left-wing Democratic agendas. However, for a book published in 2008, that may be seeing parallels through hindsight that Hartzler never intended.

What is clear is that in Hartzler’s view, the story of King David and Prince Absalom is not just historical data from three millennia ago but rather a model for modern politics.

“The accounts of Absalom and David reveal important truths about campaigning and serving,” Hartzler wrote. “Absalom was the first politician. He sought higher office and actively campaigned for it. Absalom won over the hearts of the people of Israel using time-tested campaign strategies. We, too, can campaign successfully following these same guidelines. In addition, if elected, we can serve honorably, heeding the insights gained from the circumstances behind his victory. Absalom was able to win not only because he implemented a winning strategy, but also because God allowed it as punishment for David’s sin with Bathsheba” (p. 1).

That’s a reference to King David’s adultery with Bathsheba, the wife of one of David’s own military leaders, who David illicitly impregnated after summoning her to his palace. David then arranged to have her husband killed in military conflict while David remained safely in the capital city of Jerusalem.

Hartzler doesn’t deny Absalom’s evil or the fact that David “was the anointed king God had chosen.” However, those facts don’t keep Hartzler from citing Absalom’s methods as a good model for Christian campaigning. In Hartzler’s view, Christians should “rely on the Lord with the heart of David, and implement the strategies utilized by Absalom.”

Hartzler said the Scriptural record of II Samuel 15:1-6 is “the time-tested blueprint for successful campaigning.”

That passage says that Absalom “stole the hearts of the men of Israel” by a number of techniques, including telling people who came to Jerusalem for justice that “your claims are valid and proper, but there is no representative of the king to hear you.” Absalom told frustrated citizens of Israel that “If only I were appointed judge in the land! Then everyone who has a complaint or case could come to me and I would see that he gets justice.”

She also notes that Absalom, despite his high rank as a prince of the kingdom, “did something very unusual during his campaign … ‘Whenever anyone approached him to bow down before him, Absalom would reach out his hand, take hold of him and kiss him.’” Hartzler wrote, citing Scripture. “Absalom might have been the first politician to shake hands and kiss babies! And it worked … he connected with the voters through his outwardly humble demeanor” (pp. 147-148). Hartzler cited that as an important contrast to elected officials who make use of their position to obtain special favors (p. 176).

Hartzler draws from Absalom’s tactics a ten-point campaign model: “make a plan,” “look the part,” “surround yourself with volunteer partners,” “go meet the people,” “target voters,” “have a group of people with you in parades,” “ask questions, affirm their concerns, and then present your message,” “define the message by presenting the problem, then sharing how you’d solve it,” “connect with voters” and “embrace a humble attitude” (p. 3).

Citing Absalom isn’t an out-of-context reference from Hartzler’s book. In fact, those ten points drawn by Hartzler from the biblical narrative form the spiritual underpinnings to the pragmatic “step by step to a successful political campaign” tips which she presents in much of the rest of her book.

Hartzler’s specific “how to” steps

Hartzler is candid on how unprepared she was for her first political campaign in 1994: “I knew next to nothing about campaigning,” she says (p. 3). In language that would be familiar to teachers preparing a lesson plan, Hartzler writes in considerable detail on the importance of a campaign plan, determining campaign goals, and implementing a strategy far in advance of election day on how to accomplish those goals.

Regardless of what one thinks about the merits of Hartzler’s underlying theology of Christian politics, it’s hard to deny that the Christian conservative movement has been handicapped by numerous inexperienced candidates for whom planning is an afterthought. While successful career politicians typically use business models to raise large amounts of cash and aggressively seek out supporters, Christian candidates since the early days of the Moral Majority often have been severely underfunded, relying more on ideological commitment and shared views with likeminded churchgoers than on a concrete plan to get elected.

Hartzler recognizes the problem and proposes concrete steps to address it: “Too many candidates fall prey to the ‘I’ve got to get going — I’ll just do it by the seat of my pants’ trap. They travel here and there to this meeting and that occasion, always busy but not knowing why they are going to the event or if this is the best use of their time … They pick up some volunteers here and there and obtain some finances but wonder why they run short in the end. They’re surprised by what it costs in time, money and energy. It doesn’t have to be this way” (p. 5).

She focuses on the importance of proper preparation for speeches and writing them down in advance: “Many candidates think they can ‘wing it,’ but usually this method shows … Your mother always said, ‘Practice makes perfect’ and she was right” (pp. 64-65). Likewise, Hartzler cites the importance of professionally produced campaign photographs: “Unfortunately, too many candidates ask a family friend to take snapshots, only to discover after a day of shooting that the photos were too dark or blurred to use, and the entire day will have to be set up again” (p. 86).

She also focuses on the importance of campaigning full-time and having good work ethics, though she cautions against door-to-door campaigning on Sunday so candidates can “honor the Lord at church” (p. 155) and said she did not wear her campaign name badge at church (p. 163). “Work harder than your opponent,” Hartzler writes. “This was one way Absalom overcame King David. While King David was in the palace, not ensuring people’s grievances were heard and acted upon, Absalom was at the city gate meeting the people and pledging to see that they got justice” (p. 204).

As a successful businesswoman, Hartzler was appointed by former Gov. Matt Blunt to the Missouri Women’s Council to help women with economic development issues, and co-owns an agricultural equipment dealership with her husband. She doesn’t minimize the importance of finances in campaigning: “Contrary to what many candidates believe, raising funds is the primary activity during the early months of a campaign. While it is important to go meet the voters and talk about issues, it is vital that funds are secured early so resources are available to convey your message during the critical final weeks of the campaign” (p. 17). An entire section of her book, Chapter 13, focuses on fundraising, campaign finance laws, and ethical issues, noting that “if you accept money from a disreputable entity, its image can reflect  badly on you … it is better than accepting a contribution from an entity only to see your name linked with it in blaring headlines a few weeks down the road” (p. 183).

Again, not surprisingly with her background as a home economics teacher, Hartzler stresses the importance of proper clothes, grooming and other steps to “look the part” of being credible candidates for office. Her book is filled with detailed tips for both men and women on how to select a good campaign wardrobe, ranging from fabrics that won’t wrinkle to proper heels and skirts for female candidates.

That advice stems from Absalom’s example: “For all his less than noble motives, Absalom was smart,” Hartzler writes. “The first thing he did when executing his plan was to make himself look ‘kingly’ … when people saw him, he looked believable, worthy of listening to, capable of leading” (p. 19).

Hartzler criticizes candidates who refuse to upgrade their wardrobes or do “extreme makeovers” to appear to be something they aren’t.

“Many a good person who might have served nobly has been denied the chance because he or she didn’t take stock of a few self-image tips. On the other hand, nobody likes a ‘fake,’ and people can usually spot one a mile away,” Hartzler wrote. “Be yourself — but be your best self” (p. 20).

That theme of being “your best self” is repeated frequently in Hartzler’s book. She advocates dressing “one step more formal than the event you are attending” (p. 21), pointing out that a male candidate wearing a tie or a female candidate in a dress suit will be noticed positively, even if — and perhaps especially if — the other candidates present are deliberately “dressing down” in an attempt to look more like those in their audience. Hartzler urges candidates to “invest in a few Dress for Success books,” gives nearly a half-dozen pages of specific applications of that advice, but cautions that people need to “take stock of (their) motives” by testing them against biblical principles of service (p. 26) since a polished outward appearance, as with Absalom, may not reflect actual motives. She says “if you look good, you will feel good and have more confidence” during campaign events (p. 219). That advice goes all the way down to details of how to cross one’s ankles rather than legs during interviews (p. 105), shoe choices and fingernail trimming: “Spend a few minutes polishing these and your talk will appear more polished” (p. 67).

Putting together a campaign team, most of whom will be volunteers, is a key aspect of any campaign. Hartzler notes (p. 27) that Absalom had 50 men supporting him, and cites David’s 400 men, Noah’s handful of family members, and Jesus Christ’s 12 disciples as examples of how small numbers of committed people can change world events.

Hartzler moves beyond her Absalom example to cite the example of Nehemiah, who returned the people of Israel from exile and rebuilt Jerusalem, as a model for recruitment of volunteers. Citing Nehemiah 3:1-32, Hartzler wrote that Christian candidates should recruit campaign advisors and volunteers from the ranks of “key pastors in the area, elders and deacons,” “small business owners,” “church workers,” “fellow elected officials,” “law enforcement,” and family members (pp. 31-32). She returns to the Absalom example, noting that Absalom shared with King David a background in seeking out supporters disaffected with current conditions: “All those who were in distress or in debt or discontented gathered around (David), and he became their leader” (I Samuel 22:2).

Hartzler noted the weakness of Absalom hiring workers (II Samuel 15:1) rather than relying on volunteers, noting that while paid employees may be necessary in larger campaigns, “a volunteer team is often an indication of the health of a campaign” and arguing that “the candidate with an army of willing volunteers will win any day over a candidate with a payroll of workers.” Hartzler cited a friend running for state representative who raised only $40,000 compared to $100,000 raised by a well-funded attorney who paid his campaign workers, noting that “volunteers can be more effective than dollars” (p. 37).

Creating an effective campaign message is another area in which Hartzler cites Absalom as a model of both what to do and what not to do in campaigning. Hartzler praises Absalom for recognizing problems in King David’s rule and addressing the lack of justice and lack of representatives of the king available to hear complaints, but notes that Absalom made promises that he could never have kept.

“He told how he would resolve their problems. He also promised that everyone with a complaint or case would get justice. Perhaps this is the first example of an empty campaign promise because the reality of cases and complaints is that one side usually wins and one side loses,” Hartzler wrote. “As a Christian candidate, make sure you don’t fall into the trap of promising everything to everybody” (p. 48).

Hartzler cites numerous ways to identify concerns of potential constituents in campaigns, ranging from formal voter surveys to informal visits with official and unofficial leaders of a community, as well as individuals with no formal role: “Stop to talk to strangers at community events or go door to door to get their ideas,” she wrote. “Seek out the input from area barbers and hair stylists as they often have a good feel for the concerns of people in your community” (p. 49).

While many Christian candidates or others with an ideological focus run for office with an explicit agenda in mind before they ever run for office, Hartzler offers different advice: “Once you have obtained the feedback of area voters, you are ready to choose the messages for your campaign. Candidates should choose three to five primary issues to highlight during the campaign along with three to five secondary issues for each targeted group they are trying to reach … these three to five primary issues will become the drumbeat of your campaign” (p. 51).

Hartzler cites her own examples of primary issues from her 1994 campaign: “push for education reforms which are academically-proven and student-centered,” “speak out for family values,” “promote sensible solutions to health care concerns,” “say NO to taxes without a vote of the people,” and “fight for less government in our lives and our businesses” (p. 54).

None of those five primary issues have an explicitly Christian focus; all are drawn from voter concerns presented to Hartzler. That’s been a consistent pattern in Hartzler’s current campaign for Congress as well, in which she has not extensively cited her longstanding ties to the Christian evangelical movement, avoided mention of her church affiliation, and focused on economic rather than social issues. While her book notes that she is a pro-life candidate (p. 93), a stance she has supported for many years including the current campaign, it’s not emphasized as a reason for running for office, and the issue of homosexuality isn’t brought up until page 105 despite the book being published four years after Hartzler’s successful campaign against gay marriage that brought her name to statewide attention.

Hartzler dedicates numerous chapters of her book to concrete and specific steps to share the campaign message with voters once it has been developed, ranging from campaign speeches (Chapter 5); yard signs, bumper strips, and campaign DVDs (Chapter 6); pushcards and direct mail (Chapter 7); the news media (Chapter 8); the internet (Chapter 9); and events and parades (Chapter 12)

While she cites the warnings of I Timothy 4:2 and I Peter 3:15 on always being prepared to explain the Gospel and applies them to knowing the issues while campaigning, and cites the experiences of Moses and Jeremiah in believing they were poor public speakers, much of Hartzler’s specific advice has little direct reference to Christian theology. Her tips focus on the importance of buying signs made by local businesses when possible, selecting campaign logos and colors that will be noticed and accent the message of the campaign, and not putting signs where they don’t belong. Hartzler cites the example of her own brother-in-law, who failed to follow Missouri Department of Transportation regulations during her first campaign and saw MoDOT removing many signs for violating MoDOT right-of-way rules (p. 79).

She does, however, note Absalom’s methods of affirming the concerns of disaffected citizens, pointing out the weaknesses of the opponent, and telling citizens how the challenger would do things differently if placed in charge (pp. 60-61). She also provides numerous Scriptural passages on the importance of seeking God’s guidance for what to say and how to say it, and cites Absalom’s method of “targeting” people who were likely to be receptive to his message of dissatisfaction with King David (p. 125) while deciding where to do door-to-door campaigning and other aspects of candidate work (Chapters 10 and 11)

One group with which Hartzler urges avoiding a fight is the news media — advice not necessarily shared by all conservative candidates. She says candidates need to subscribe to the local newspapers, read them “from cover to cover,” and learn about issues being faced by the city councils, service organizations and school boards (p. 161).

“Mark Twain once advised, ‘Never argue with someone who buys ink by the barrel,’” Hartzler wrote. “His statement provides insight into the sometimes tenuous relationship between candidates and the press. The candidate needs good press but does not control what is printed in the end. The reporter may have a different philosophical viewpoint that clouds his or her writing, and sometimes newspapers get caught up in the race to be the one to ‘break the news,’ not realizing or caring that the ‘news’ they generate can ‘break’ a family … Provide accurate information to them and be available. You can experience a positive relationship with them. Be prudent in the words you choose to speak, but assume and expect the best” (p.99).

Hartzler also warns against a “no comment” approach to questions, even if the question is one the candidate does not want to answer, because “that makes you appear as if you are hiding something” (p. 103).

She’s also a strong advocate of internet technology for candidates, urging the creation of professional websites that are regularly updated (p. 117) and include opportunities for campaign donations, along with the use of blogs, while having an e-mail database for voters who are less technologically sophisticated but will read campaign e-mails just as they would read printed material sent to them (p. 119). Hartzler cites the example of Kansas City Mayor Mark Funkhouser, who 2007 defeated a long-standing professional politician largely through his use of internet campaign technology rather than traditional and more expensive campaign methods (p. 123).

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